Tomorrow, we will take up finances and poverty as sources of family stress.
One thing we'll go over is this article about spouses' materialism and marital quality (the article mentions the research contributions of a Texas Tech graduate student whom I know) . The finding of this research, which supports the role of perception/appraisal as in the ABC-X model, is that attitudes toward money and material goods are important, not just the actual amount of money a couple has.
Another article that offers some "food for thought" is this one about Oregon governor Ted Kulongoski. In his effort to draw attention to hunger in his state and beyond, the governor earlier this year spent a week on a $21 food budget (the average weekly food-stamp allocation in his state).
While we were discussing the Kulongoski story, I was reminded of the study of Chicago “Food Deserts” (areas with no nearby supermarkets, but plentiful fast food places) and the apparent health implications of these geographic factors.
The second part of the class will be devoted to a discussion of the readings on work-family balance and economic stress. In particular, the section in Chapter 9 from the bottom of page 209 to the top of 211 seems to fit well with a systems-theory approach. The questions, from Group B, will be posted as they come in...
This chapter talks about how economic stress can impact the function of families. On page 211 the author lists several resources that buffer ethnic minority groups against economic stress. Drawing from our discussion about generational dissonance, how might that affect a family's ability to handle economic stress? Are there any buffers against generational dissonance?
The book says that although minorities have an economic disadvantage, "ethnic minorities also have resources, such as particular family structures, family dynamics, value systems, and child rearing practices, that traditionally have served as buffers against economic stress" (Bartholomae & Fox, p.211). Although this may be true, do you feel that there is a great advantage when minorities are surrounded by other minorities who also experience economic disadvantage? Or would it be beneficial if minorities are by others who have good income earnings and don't live in poverty?
Pertaining to how the living arrangements of low-income people are geographically distributed, we discussed the demolition of the Cabrini-Green housing project in Chicago and the attempts to provide vouchers to outgoing residents so they could live in new dwellings, many of which are fancy units near the old site. Here are some relevant articles, from CBS News, the New York Times, Chicago Business, Northwestern University, and UW-Eau Claire (some of these reports are several years old).
In Chp 9, in the section of Ethnic Minority pg 211, the book talks about "how compared to whites, members of ethnic minority groups have lower income earnings and greater rates of poverty, placing them at a distinct economic disadvantage. However, ethnic minority groups also have specific resources that traditionally have served as buffers against economic stress" Explain in further detail these types of resources for particular family structures that are different than non-ethnic minority groups and how they can serve as "buffers" against economic stress...Any disadvantages to these resources?
According to the book, ethnic minority groups earn less on average than whites. Yesterday, we learned that indeed, racism, plays a part in how employers select their employees. How can this discrepancy be remedied? Do you think that racially considerate policies like affirmative action place more expectations on ethnic minority employees (like the example with working mothers)? How does the chronic stress that occurs due to racism compare to the stress derived from economic hardship?
"Children who experience economic stress have been found to exhibit greater levels of depression and aggression, more impulsive and antisocial behaviors, decreased levels of self-esteem, and diminished school performance" (p. 212). What can parents do to help prevent the family's economic stress from negatively affecting their children?
Sybil has already submitted several comments relating to work, family, and financial planning, which we can use for discussion.
Also, given that Social Security came up during our class discussion, this document provides some long-term estimates of what the program will be able to pay out in the coming decades, even if no changes are made to existing law. Another good overview of the situation is available here.
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
Monday, July 30, 2007
Our topic for Tuesday is the stress -- but also personal growth -- that may result from trying to balance work and family (sometimes also called work-life balance, considering that some people have not started their own families). Our readings include an online paper by Kossek (available in the links section on the right) and pages 367-370 from the textbook. These readings highlight several key issues in the study of work-family-life:
*The work-family interface is usually discussed in terms of "conflict," given that the number of hours in the day is limited and time spent in one domain seemingly cannot be spent in the other. However, there is also a line of argument that one domain can enrich the other, for example, if satisfaction from the job makes one more pleasant at home.
*The types of stress typically studied both in the workplace and at home are interpersonal conflict (e.g., arguments) and overload (e.g., having a lot of tasks to get done).
*Work-family balance has been studied in both directions -- how what happened at work affects the family, and how what goes on in the family may carry over to work.
*Researchers study both within-person effects (how a person's day at work affects the same person at home, or vice versa) and crossover from one person to another. Examples of the latter include how one parent's experience at work during the day affects his or her interactions at home with the spouse or children.
*Many research findings differ according to the gender and social class of the individuals involved.
*Individuals' psychological/personality traits also appear to play a role in moderating the impact of stressors. In other words, having a certain trait (e.g., a sense of mastery or control) may dampen or buffer the connection between a stressful event and one's distress level, whereas other traits (e.g., neuroticism) may exacerbate the connection.
*Modern issues of technology (e.g., telecommuting) and globalization will likely have implications for work and family roles.
Here are a couple of other interesting lines of research:
Kathleen Fuegen, who studied with one of my Michigan grad school classmates, University of Kansas professor Monica Biernat, found evidence in a laboratory experiment suggesting that mothers face discrimination in the workplace.
Here are two additional links to augment the information on the Fuegen and Biernat research. This is a summary of a similar type of study -- using identical resumes -- but where the names of job applicants were designed to be either European-American or African-American sounding. Also, this page from my Texas Tech research methods site explains the logic of the experimental method for demonstrating causality.
A faculty colleague of mine at Texas Tech, Anisa Zvonkovic, studies a particular form of work-family balance, namely the lives of people who spend long amounts of time away from home, such as flight attendants and individuals who work in commercial fishing. She is now launching a new project to expand this research.
***
A topic that came up today in our discussion of mental health and that would also appear to have implications for work-family balance is the increase in recent decades of college women's adoption of stereotypically "masculine" traits. This research has been done by Jean Twenge of San Diego State University, and is summarized in her book Generation Me.
What Dr. Twenge did was locate as many studies, published between the 1970s and 1990s, as she could find that reported male and female means on measures of gender roles (masculinity and femininity). To keep things as consistent as possible, so that era was the only thing differing between the studies, she included only studies that used the most prominent measures of gender roles and only those that studied college students. She found 103 samples, which cumulatively consisted of 28,920 students. This excerpt from her book describes the results of her cross-temporal comparison:
The "masculine" scale items included words like competitive, independent, never give up easily, self-reliant, forceful, and ambitious. Sure enough, college women endorsed these traits at a higher rate with every passing year. More than 50% of 1990s women scored as "masculine" on the scale, compared to only 20% of early 1970s women... The change was so large that by the early 1990s men's and women's scores on the scale of so-called masculine traits were indistinguishable (p. 193).
*The work-family interface is usually discussed in terms of "conflict," given that the number of hours in the day is limited and time spent in one domain seemingly cannot be spent in the other. However, there is also a line of argument that one domain can enrich the other, for example, if satisfaction from the job makes one more pleasant at home.
*The types of stress typically studied both in the workplace and at home are interpersonal conflict (e.g., arguments) and overload (e.g., having a lot of tasks to get done).
*Work-family balance has been studied in both directions -- how what happened at work affects the family, and how what goes on in the family may carry over to work.
*Researchers study both within-person effects (how a person's day at work affects the same person at home, or vice versa) and crossover from one person to another. Examples of the latter include how one parent's experience at work during the day affects his or her interactions at home with the spouse or children.
*Many research findings differ according to the gender and social class of the individuals involved.
*Individuals' psychological/personality traits also appear to play a role in moderating the impact of stressors. In other words, having a certain trait (e.g., a sense of mastery or control) may dampen or buffer the connection between a stressful event and one's distress level, whereas other traits (e.g., neuroticism) may exacerbate the connection.
*Modern issues of technology (e.g., telecommuting) and globalization will likely have implications for work and family roles.
Here are a couple of other interesting lines of research:
Kathleen Fuegen, who studied with one of my Michigan grad school classmates, University of Kansas professor Monica Biernat, found evidence in a laboratory experiment suggesting that mothers face discrimination in the workplace.
Here are two additional links to augment the information on the Fuegen and Biernat research. This is a summary of a similar type of study -- using identical resumes -- but where the names of job applicants were designed to be either European-American or African-American sounding. Also, this page from my Texas Tech research methods site explains the logic of the experimental method for demonstrating causality.
A faculty colleague of mine at Texas Tech, Anisa Zvonkovic, studies a particular form of work-family balance, namely the lives of people who spend long amounts of time away from home, such as flight attendants and individuals who work in commercial fishing. She is now launching a new project to expand this research.
***
A topic that came up today in our discussion of mental health and that would also appear to have implications for work-family balance is the increase in recent decades of college women's adoption of stereotypically "masculine" traits. This research has been done by Jean Twenge of San Diego State University, and is summarized in her book Generation Me.
What Dr. Twenge did was locate as many studies, published between the 1970s and 1990s, as she could find that reported male and female means on measures of gender roles (masculinity and femininity). To keep things as consistent as possible, so that era was the only thing differing between the studies, she included only studies that used the most prominent measures of gender roles and only those that studied college students. She found 103 samples, which cumulatively consisted of 28,920 students. This excerpt from her book describes the results of her cross-temporal comparison:
The "masculine" scale items included words like competitive, independent, never give up easily, self-reliant, forceful, and ambitious. Sure enough, college women endorsed these traits at a higher rate with every passing year. More than 50% of 1990s women scored as "masculine" on the scale, compared to only 20% of early 1970s women... The change was so large that by the early 1990s men's and women's scores on the scale of so-called masculine traits were indistinguishable (p. 193).
Sunday, July 29, 2007
Tomorrow, we're having a quiz during the first part of class. Then, we'll discuss Chapter 8 on mental illness and families. Questions are from Group A; as they come in, I'll list them below...
What do differences in gender, age, ethnicity and socioeconomic status have to do with rates and types of mental illness? How do these differences play into the treatment or support that may be sought?
Why might African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans make up a large percentage of those homeless, incarcerated, or drug-addicted? (pg. 83-84) Do you think these populations may be overrepresented in these areas because of racism?
Here's a link to the article about the research of sociologist William Julius Wilson, which I alluded to during the discussion.
On page 192, the authors write, "Stigma is especially problematic for mothers who are suffering from severe mental illness because they must often be separated from their children... to receive treatment, even though mothering remains an important role for them." In recent years, the number of young adults diagnosed with a mental illness has dramatically increased. These young adults, especially women, may struggle with the option of deciding whether to have children. Keeping in mind the stigma against mental illness, the role of genes in transmitting vulnerability, and the role of stress in triggering episodes, what policies or programs could our society create to help ensure that these young women have a good chance of being successful parents?
During the discussion, I alluded to a New Jersey law requiring health care providers to screen new mothers and pregnant women for postpartum depression (or the risk thereof). Here is the article link.
On page 193 of our text, the Milan model is discussed which deals with the blaming that occurs when a family member has a mental illness. The authors state, "A more recent version of the Milan model holds that much of the blame for mental disorders in individuals resides in the 'dirty games' that family members play with each other in the course of their interactions'" (Schock & Gavazzi 193). What are some examples of these "dirty games" that are played and do you feel that one's family can be blamed for the development of some mental illnesses?
As I also mentioned during the discussion, this topic reminded me of a form of therapy called "paradoxical intervention" (see the "potato chips" example in this linked document). Paradoxical intervention may actually be effective under some circumstances.
On page 190 of Families and Change it is stated that "heredity can provide an individual with a predisposition to a mental illness, but the likelihood that the illness will manifest is largely determined by environmental and family influences." Do you agree with this statement? Why or why not? If you do agree, what types of environmental and family influences can lead to the development of a mental illness. If you would like to share any personal stories to help illustrate your point, feel free to do so.
Why do you think it is that adolescents and younger people are being diagnosed with mental illneses and committing suicide more and more frequently, at "abnormally high rates", in the recent past -- as compared to decades before? Do you think it has
anything to do with the way, or the criteria, by which people are diagnosed with mental illnesses today? Or the influence of the increasing number of prescription drugs developed to treat different kinds of "problems" or mental illnesses? Or maybe the way in which society today more frequently seeks to put a label on and diagnose "problems" that people have? Or perhaps society today applies a lot more pressure and such on adolescents and younger people today than decades ago?
How do the EE and ABC-X models relate to each other? How can the level of EE change the course of ABC-X?
What do differences in gender, age, ethnicity and socioeconomic status have to do with rates and types of mental illness? How do these differences play into the treatment or support that may be sought?
Why might African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans make up a large percentage of those homeless, incarcerated, or drug-addicted? (pg. 83-84) Do you think these populations may be overrepresented in these areas because of racism?
Here's a link to the article about the research of sociologist William Julius Wilson, which I alluded to during the discussion.
On page 192, the authors write, "Stigma is especially problematic for mothers who are suffering from severe mental illness because they must often be separated from their children... to receive treatment, even though mothering remains an important role for them." In recent years, the number of young adults diagnosed with a mental illness has dramatically increased. These young adults, especially women, may struggle with the option of deciding whether to have children. Keeping in mind the stigma against mental illness, the role of genes in transmitting vulnerability, and the role of stress in triggering episodes, what policies or programs could our society create to help ensure that these young women have a good chance of being successful parents?
During the discussion, I alluded to a New Jersey law requiring health care providers to screen new mothers and pregnant women for postpartum depression (or the risk thereof). Here is the article link.
On page 193 of our text, the Milan model is discussed which deals with the blaming that occurs when a family member has a mental illness. The authors state, "A more recent version of the Milan model holds that much of the blame for mental disorders in individuals resides in the 'dirty games' that family members play with each other in the course of their interactions'" (Schock & Gavazzi 193). What are some examples of these "dirty games" that are played and do you feel that one's family can be blamed for the development of some mental illnesses?
As I also mentioned during the discussion, this topic reminded me of a form of therapy called "paradoxical intervention" (see the "potato chips" example in this linked document). Paradoxical intervention may actually be effective under some circumstances.
On page 190 of Families and Change it is stated that "heredity can provide an individual with a predisposition to a mental illness, but the likelihood that the illness will manifest is largely determined by environmental and family influences." Do you agree with this statement? Why or why not? If you do agree, what types of environmental and family influences can lead to the development of a mental illness. If you would like to share any personal stories to help illustrate your point, feel free to do so.
Why do you think it is that adolescents and younger people are being diagnosed with mental illneses and committing suicide more and more frequently, at "abnormally high rates", in the recent past -- as compared to decades before? Do you think it has
anything to do with the way, or the criteria, by which people are diagnosed with mental illnesses today? Or the influence of the increasing number of prescription drugs developed to treat different kinds of "problems" or mental illnesses? Or maybe the way in which society today more frequently seeks to put a label on and diagnose "problems" that people have? Or perhaps society today applies a lot more pressure and such on adolescents and younger people today than decades ago?
How do the EE and ABC-X models relate to each other? How can the level of EE change the course of ABC-X?
Saturday, July 28, 2007
I've been compiling a list of sources on various topics related to our class, which are shown below (some of the studies have already be used in my lectures). These articles potentially can be used for your encyclopedia entries, or may just be of general interest to you. A few of the articles are freely available on the web; in those cases, you'll see a clickable "LINK" depicted. Other articles may be available via the UW library website.
Aranda, M.P. & Knight, B.G. (1997). The influence of ethnicity and culture on the caregiver stress and coping process: A sociocultural review and analysis. Gerontologist, 37, 342-354.
Barakat, L.P., Patterson, C.A., Tarazi, R.A., & Ely, E. (2007). Disease-related parenting stress in two sickle cell disease caregiver samples: Preschool and adolescent. Families, Systems, & Health, 25, 147-161.
Bernert, R.A., Merrill, K.A.., Braithwaite, S.R.., Van Orden, K..A., & Joiner Jr., T.E. (2007). Family life stress and insomnia symptoms in a prospective evaluation of young adults. Journal of Family Psychology, 21, 58-66.
Bodenmann, G., Pihet, S. & Kayser, K. (2006). The relationship between dyadic coping, marital quality and well-being: A 2-year longitudinal study. Journal of Family Psychology, 20, 485-493.
Bolger, N., DeLongis, A., Kessler, R., & Wethington, E. (1989). The contagion of stress across multiple roles. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51, 175-183.
Broman, C.L., Riba, M.L. & Trahan, M.R. (1996). Traumatic events and marital well-being. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 58, 908–916.
Burnett, G., Jones, R.A., Bliwise, N.G., & Ross, L.T. (2006). Family unpredictability, parental alcoholism, and the development of parentification. American Journal of Family Therapy, 34, 181-189.
Carr, D. (2006). Good grief: Bouncing back from a spouse’s death in later life. Contexts. (LINK)
Davies, P.T., Sturge-Apple, M.L., Winter, M.A., Cummings, E.M., & Farrell, D. (2006). Child adaptational development in contexts of interparental conflict over time. Child Development, 77, 218-233.
Domenico, D., & Windle, M. (1993). Intrapersonal and interpersonal functioning among middle-aged female adult children of alcoholics (ACOAs). Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 61, 659-666.
Ellis, D.A., Zucker, R.A., & Fitzgerald, H.E. (1997). The role of family influences in development and risk. Alcohol Health & Research World, 21, 218-226. (LINK)
Fagan, J., Bernd, E., & Whiteman, V. (2007). Adolescent fathers’ parenting stress, social support, and involvement with infants. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 17, 1–22.
Fiese, B. H., Tomcho, T., Douglas, M. Josephs, K. Poltrock, S., & Baker, T. (2002). Fifty years of research on family rituals: Cause for celebration? Journal of Family Psychology, 16, 381-390. (Thanks to Dr. Karen Bogenschneider for this suggestion.)
Fisher, P.A., Fagot, B.I., & Leve, C.S. (1998). Assessment of family stress across low-, medium-, and high-risk samples using the Family Events Checklist. Family Relations, 47, 215-219.
Frone, M.R., Russell, M., & Cooper, M.L. (1992). Antecedents and outcomes of work-family conflict: Testing a model of the work-family interface. Journal of Applied Psychology, 77, 65-78.
Grzywacz, J.G., Almeida, D.M., & McDonald, D.A. (2002). Work-family spillover and daily reports of work and family stress in the adult labor force. Family Relations, 51, 28-36.
Hilscher, R.L., Bartley, A.G., & Zarski, J.J. (2005). A heart does not beat alone: Coronary heart disease through a family systems lens. Families, Systems, & Health, 23, 220-235.
Houtzager, B.A., Oort, F.J., Hoekstra-Weebers, J.E.H.M., Caron, H.N., Grootenhuis, M.A., & Last, B.F. (2004). Coping and family functioning predict longitudinal psychological adaptation of siblings of childhood cancer patients. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 29, 591-605. (LINK)
Knight, B.G., Silverstein, M., McCallum, T.J., & Fox, L.S. (2000). A sociocultural stress and coping model for mental health outcomes among African-Americn caregivers in southern California. Journals of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences, 55B, P142-150.
Lavee, Y., McCubbin, H.I., & Patterson, J.M. (1985). The Double ABCX Model of family stress and adaptation: An empirical test by analysis of structural equations with latent variables. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 47, 811-825.
Leonard, K.E., & Eiden, R.D. (2007). Marital and family processes in the context of alcohol use and alcohol disorders. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 3, 285-310.
Lim, J.-W., & Zebrack, B. (2004). Caring for family members with chronic physical illness: A critical review of caregiver literature. Health and Quality of Life Outcomes, 2 (Article 50). (LINK)
Maciejewski, P.K., Zhang, B., Block, S.D., & Prigerson, H.G. (2007). An empirical examination of the stage theory of grief. JAMA, 297, 716-723. (LINK)
Malia, J.A. (2006). Basic concepts and models of family stress. Stress, Trauma, and Crisis, 9, 141-160.
Matheny, A.P., Wachs, T.D., Ludwig, J.L., & Phillips, K. (1995). Bringing order out of chaos: Psychometric characteristics of the confusion, hubbub, and order scale. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 16, 429–444.
Mulsow, M., Pursley, M., Caldera, Y.M., Reifman, A., & Huston, A.C. (2002). Multilevel factors influencing maternal stress during the first three years. Journal of Marriage and Family, 64, 415-448.
Nachshen, J.S., Woodford, L., & Minnes, P. (2003). The Family Stress and Coping Interview for families of individuals with developmental disabilities: A lifespan perspective on family adjustment. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, 47, 285–290.
O’Connor M.J., & Paley B. (2006). The relationship of prenatal alcohol exposure and the postnatal environment to child depressive symptoms. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 31, 50-64. (LINK)
Pelham, W.E. & Lang, A.R. (1999). Can your children drive you to drink? Stress and parenting in adults interacting with children with ADHD. Alcohol Research and Health, 23, 292–298. (LINK)
Raymo, J.M., & Sweeney, M.M. (2005). Work-family conflict and retirement preferences. Los Angeles: California Center for Population Research (UCLA). (LINK)
Reifman, A., Biemat, M. & Lang, E.L. (1991). Stress, social support, and health in married professional women with small children. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 15, 431-445.
Reifman, A., Villa, L.C., Amans, J.A., Rethinam, V., & Telesca, T.Y. (2001). Children of divorce in the 1990’s: A meta-analysis. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 35, 27-36.
Repetti, R.L., Taylor, S.E., & Seeman, T.E. (2002). Risky families: Family social environments and the mental and physical health of offspring. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 330-366.
Repetti, R.L. & Wood, J. (1997). Effects of daily stress at work on mothers’ interactions with preschoolers. Journal of Family Psychology, 11, 90-108.
Rollins, S.Z., Garrison, M.E.B., & Pierce, S.H. (2002). The Family Daily Hassles Inventory: A preliminary investigation of reliability and validity. Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 31, 135-154.
Saloviita, T., Itälinna, M. & Leinonen, E. (2003). Explaining the parental stress of fathers and mothers caring for a child with an intellectual disability: A Double ABCX Model. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, 47, 300-312.
Taylor, S.E., Klein, L.C., Lewis, B.P., Gruenewald, T.L., Gurung, R.A.R., & Updegraff, J.A. (2000). Biobehavioral responses to stress in females: Tend-and-befriend, not fight-or-flight. Psychological Review, 107, 411-429.
Turcotte, M. (2006). Parents with adult children living at home. Canadian Social Trends. Statistics Canada, Catalogue No. 11-008. (LINK)
Walsh, S.R., Manuel, J.C., & Avis, N.E. (2005). The impact of breast cancer on younger women's relationships with their partner and children. Families, Systems, & Health, 23, 80-93.
Williams, J.C. (2004). Family stress, coping, communication, and adaptation in unintended adolescent pregnancy. Doctoral dissertation, University of Texas School of Nursing at Houston. (LINK)
Wyman, P.A., Moynihan, J., Eberly, S., Cox, C., Cross,W.,; Jin, X., & Caserta, M.T. (2007). Association of family stress with natural killer cell activity and the frequency of illnesses in children. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 161, 228-234. (LINK)
Aranda, M.P. & Knight, B.G. (1997). The influence of ethnicity and culture on the caregiver stress and coping process: A sociocultural review and analysis. Gerontologist, 37, 342-354.
Barakat, L.P., Patterson, C.A., Tarazi, R.A., & Ely, E. (2007). Disease-related parenting stress in two sickle cell disease caregiver samples: Preschool and adolescent. Families, Systems, & Health, 25, 147-161.
Bernert, R.A., Merrill, K.A.., Braithwaite, S.R.., Van Orden, K..A., & Joiner Jr., T.E. (2007). Family life stress and insomnia symptoms in a prospective evaluation of young adults. Journal of Family Psychology, 21, 58-66.
Bodenmann, G., Pihet, S. & Kayser, K. (2006). The relationship between dyadic coping, marital quality and well-being: A 2-year longitudinal study. Journal of Family Psychology, 20, 485-493.
Bolger, N., DeLongis, A., Kessler, R., & Wethington, E. (1989). The contagion of stress across multiple roles. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51, 175-183.
Broman, C.L., Riba, M.L. & Trahan, M.R. (1996). Traumatic events and marital well-being. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 58, 908–916.
Burnett, G., Jones, R.A., Bliwise, N.G., & Ross, L.T. (2006). Family unpredictability, parental alcoholism, and the development of parentification. American Journal of Family Therapy, 34, 181-189.
Carr, D. (2006). Good grief: Bouncing back from a spouse’s death in later life. Contexts. (LINK)
Davies, P.T., Sturge-Apple, M.L., Winter, M.A., Cummings, E.M., & Farrell, D. (2006). Child adaptational development in contexts of interparental conflict over time. Child Development, 77, 218-233.
Domenico, D., & Windle, M. (1993). Intrapersonal and interpersonal functioning among middle-aged female adult children of alcoholics (ACOAs). Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 61, 659-666.
Ellis, D.A., Zucker, R.A., & Fitzgerald, H.E. (1997). The role of family influences in development and risk. Alcohol Health & Research World, 21, 218-226. (LINK)
Fagan, J., Bernd, E., & Whiteman, V. (2007). Adolescent fathers’ parenting stress, social support, and involvement with infants. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 17, 1–22.
Fiese, B. H., Tomcho, T., Douglas, M. Josephs, K. Poltrock, S., & Baker, T. (2002). Fifty years of research on family rituals: Cause for celebration? Journal of Family Psychology, 16, 381-390. (Thanks to Dr. Karen Bogenschneider for this suggestion.)
Fisher, P.A., Fagot, B.I., & Leve, C.S. (1998). Assessment of family stress across low-, medium-, and high-risk samples using the Family Events Checklist. Family Relations, 47, 215-219.
Frone, M.R., Russell, M., & Cooper, M.L. (1992). Antecedents and outcomes of work-family conflict: Testing a model of the work-family interface. Journal of Applied Psychology, 77, 65-78.
Grzywacz, J.G., Almeida, D.M., & McDonald, D.A. (2002). Work-family spillover and daily reports of work and family stress in the adult labor force. Family Relations, 51, 28-36.
Hilscher, R.L., Bartley, A.G., & Zarski, J.J. (2005). A heart does not beat alone: Coronary heart disease through a family systems lens. Families, Systems, & Health, 23, 220-235.
Houtzager, B.A., Oort, F.J., Hoekstra-Weebers, J.E.H.M., Caron, H.N., Grootenhuis, M.A., & Last, B.F. (2004). Coping and family functioning predict longitudinal psychological adaptation of siblings of childhood cancer patients. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 29, 591-605. (LINK)
Knight, B.G., Silverstein, M., McCallum, T.J., & Fox, L.S. (2000). A sociocultural stress and coping model for mental health outcomes among African-Americn caregivers in southern California. Journals of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences, 55B, P142-150.
Lavee, Y., McCubbin, H.I., & Patterson, J.M. (1985). The Double ABCX Model of family stress and adaptation: An empirical test by analysis of structural equations with latent variables. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 47, 811-825.
Leonard, K.E., & Eiden, R.D. (2007). Marital and family processes in the context of alcohol use and alcohol disorders. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 3, 285-310.
Lim, J.-W., & Zebrack, B. (2004). Caring for family members with chronic physical illness: A critical review of caregiver literature. Health and Quality of Life Outcomes, 2 (Article 50). (LINK)
Maciejewski, P.K., Zhang, B., Block, S.D., & Prigerson, H.G. (2007). An empirical examination of the stage theory of grief. JAMA, 297, 716-723. (LINK)
Malia, J.A. (2006). Basic concepts and models of family stress. Stress, Trauma, and Crisis, 9, 141-160.
Matheny, A.P., Wachs, T.D., Ludwig, J.L., & Phillips, K. (1995). Bringing order out of chaos: Psychometric characteristics of the confusion, hubbub, and order scale. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 16, 429–444.
Mulsow, M., Pursley, M., Caldera, Y.M., Reifman, A., & Huston, A.C. (2002). Multilevel factors influencing maternal stress during the first three years. Journal of Marriage and Family, 64, 415-448.
Nachshen, J.S., Woodford, L., & Minnes, P. (2003). The Family Stress and Coping Interview for families of individuals with developmental disabilities: A lifespan perspective on family adjustment. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, 47, 285–290.
O’Connor M.J., & Paley B. (2006). The relationship of prenatal alcohol exposure and the postnatal environment to child depressive symptoms. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 31, 50-64. (LINK)
Pelham, W.E. & Lang, A.R. (1999). Can your children drive you to drink? Stress and parenting in adults interacting with children with ADHD. Alcohol Research and Health, 23, 292–298. (LINK)
Raymo, J.M., & Sweeney, M.M. (2005). Work-family conflict and retirement preferences. Los Angeles: California Center for Population Research (UCLA). (LINK)
Reifman, A., Biemat, M. & Lang, E.L. (1991). Stress, social support, and health in married professional women with small children. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 15, 431-445.
Reifman, A., Villa, L.C., Amans, J.A., Rethinam, V., & Telesca, T.Y. (2001). Children of divorce in the 1990’s: A meta-analysis. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 35, 27-36.
Repetti, R.L., Taylor, S.E., & Seeman, T.E. (2002). Risky families: Family social environments and the mental and physical health of offspring. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 330-366.
Repetti, R.L. & Wood, J. (1997). Effects of daily stress at work on mothers’ interactions with preschoolers. Journal of Family Psychology, 11, 90-108.
Rollins, S.Z., Garrison, M.E.B., & Pierce, S.H. (2002). The Family Daily Hassles Inventory: A preliminary investigation of reliability and validity. Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 31, 135-154.
Saloviita, T., Itälinna, M. & Leinonen, E. (2003). Explaining the parental stress of fathers and mothers caring for a child with an intellectual disability: A Double ABCX Model. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, 47, 300-312.
Taylor, S.E., Klein, L.C., Lewis, B.P., Gruenewald, T.L., Gurung, R.A.R., & Updegraff, J.A. (2000). Biobehavioral responses to stress in females: Tend-and-befriend, not fight-or-flight. Psychological Review, 107, 411-429.
Turcotte, M. (2006). Parents with adult children living at home. Canadian Social Trends. Statistics Canada, Catalogue No. 11-008. (LINK)
Walsh, S.R., Manuel, J.C., & Avis, N.E. (2005). The impact of breast cancer on younger women's relationships with their partner and children. Families, Systems, & Health, 23, 80-93.
Williams, J.C. (2004). Family stress, coping, communication, and adaptation in unintended adolescent pregnancy. Doctoral dissertation, University of Texas School of Nursing at Houston. (LINK)
Wyman, P.A., Moynihan, J., Eberly, S., Cox, C., Cross,W.,; Jin, X., & Caserta, M.T. (2007). Association of family stress with natural killer cell activity and the frequency of illnesses in children. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 161, 228-234. (LINK)
Wednesday, July 25, 2007
Thursday, we will take up mental illness and developmental disability as sources of family stress. Chapter 8 of our textbook defines mental illness in terms of "abnormality in an individual's mood, cognition, emotion, behaviors, or integration of behaviors..." (p. 181). There has been extensive research on social/interpersonal aspects of interacting with someone with a mental disorder, which we will discuss (see the links section on the right).
The Wikipedia defines developmental disability in terms of "life-long disabilities attributable to mental and/or physical or combination of mental and physical impairments, manifested prior to age twenty-two." Examples include Autism, Cerebral Palsy, and Down Syndrome. These Wikipedia entries include discussion of the social/interpersonal aspects of life for people with these conditions.
As far as family stress where a member has a developmental disability, we will revisit one of the articles from the handout covering measures of family stress (Nachshen and colleagues, 2003, The Family Stress and Coping Interview for families of individuals with developmental disabilities... Journal of Intellectual Disability Research).
By coincidence, the same issue of JIDR includes a study by Saloviita and colleagues ("Explaining the parental stress of fathers and mothers caring for a child with an intellectual disability: A Double ABCX Model") that fits nicely with what we've been covering all along. These authors' main findings are described as follows:
The original stressor variables, or the characteristics of the child (the aA factor), predicted only 2% of the stress of mothers and 8% of the stress of fathers... In contrast to this, the mediating variables of family resources (the bB factor) accounted for 42% of the stress of mothers and 33% of the stress of fathers, and family definition of the situation (the cC factor) explained 29% of the stress of mothers and 37% of the stress of fathers. ...in all, the results indicate that the way in which parents define their situation and the various resources available to them are more important in the prediction of parental stress than properties of the child. ...The relatively small predictive power of the original stressor, i.e. the characteristics of the child, may be seen as encouraging because changing the disability of the child might be more difficult than changing the attitudes or perceptions of the parents.
The definition of the parental situation as a 'catastrophe' was overwhelmingly the most important component in explaining parental stress. In mothers, this component was associated with the challenging behaviour of the child, whereas in fathers, it was associated with the perceived social acceptance of the child. In mothers, the most important resource was informal support, but in fathers, it was spousal support (pp. 308-309).
The Wikipedia defines developmental disability in terms of "life-long disabilities attributable to mental and/or physical or combination of mental and physical impairments, manifested prior to age twenty-two." Examples include Autism, Cerebral Palsy, and Down Syndrome. These Wikipedia entries include discussion of the social/interpersonal aspects of life for people with these conditions.
As far as family stress where a member has a developmental disability, we will revisit one of the articles from the handout covering measures of family stress (Nachshen and colleagues, 2003, The Family Stress and Coping Interview for families of individuals with developmental disabilities... Journal of Intellectual Disability Research).
By coincidence, the same issue of JIDR includes a study by Saloviita and colleagues ("Explaining the parental stress of fathers and mothers caring for a child with an intellectual disability: A Double ABCX Model") that fits nicely with what we've been covering all along. These authors' main findings are described as follows:
The original stressor variables, or the characteristics of the child (the aA factor), predicted only 2% of the stress of mothers and 8% of the stress of fathers... In contrast to this, the mediating variables of family resources (the bB factor) accounted for 42% of the stress of mothers and 33% of the stress of fathers, and family definition of the situation (the cC factor) explained 29% of the stress of mothers and 37% of the stress of fathers. ...in all, the results indicate that the way in which parents define their situation and the various resources available to them are more important in the prediction of parental stress than properties of the child. ...The relatively small predictive power of the original stressor, i.e. the characteristics of the child, may be seen as encouraging because changing the disability of the child might be more difficult than changing the attitudes or perceptions of the parents.
The definition of the parental situation as a 'catastrophe' was overwhelmingly the most important component in explaining parental stress. In mothers, this component was associated with the challenging behaviour of the child, whereas in fathers, it was associated with the perceived social acceptance of the child. In mothers, the most important resource was informal support, but in fathers, it was spousal support (pp. 308-309).
Tuesday, July 24, 2007
Wednesday's class is devoted entirely to the topic of substance use/abuse as a family stressor. I will lecture for the first hour, and then we'll discuss Chapter 7 of the textbook (questions, from Group C, will be added below, as they come in).
Over in the links section on the right are some webpages I'll go over. A theme I'd like to introduce is the distinction between what a research study might find if it's conducted on children of alcoholics (COA) in the general population vs. if done in a clinical setting. In that regard, we'll go over two published studies, which we should be able to obtain from the library's website:
Burnett and colleagues, 2006, American Journal of Family Therapy
Domenico and Windle, 1993, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology
***
Here are the discussion questions:
On page 168, the text suggests that more "authoritative parenting style has been identified as particularly important factor ... in the reduced use of substances (Adalbjarnardottir & Hafsteinsson, 2001). Among older adolescents, more indulgent and less controlling parents have been found to be related to substance abuse more often than have authoritative parents." So eventually, is it a case of "spare the rod and spoil the child?" What parental/familial factors in addition to being "authoritative" might help the child steer clear of substance use?
[This web document explains Baumrind's parenting typology, which includes authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive.]
The book says that "Early substance use in boys, but not later substance use, was related to later delinquency". Why does early substance use bring these effects? The book also talks about difference in girls that "links between drug use and delinquency were based on the shared influences of third variables such as conduct problems". What are examples of third variables and why are there differences between boys and girls? (pg 163)
We talked about adolescent and emerging-adult children yesterday during our discussion and how sometimes colaboration (i.e. volunteering together) can bring a parent and child closer and strengthen their relationship. Let's say that a parent of one of these children has been seeking help for a substance abuse. Do you think it would be beneficial for the parent to be open and honest with their child about what they are going through and possibly take their child to meetings? Do you think this would make it easier or harder to get through substance abuse while trying to raise adolescent and emerging-adult children?
FAS, FAE, and crack babies are born with disadvantages including developmental deficits both cognitively and physically. What can be done to help the children cope with their problems and increase their chances for success in life? (p. 157-58).
The research in our text (as well as other research) shows that parents who are "heavier" drinkers are more likely to influence their children's drinking habits, possibly causing them to drink more at an earlier age. Does "heavier" refer to parents who are alcoholics or parents who drink socially. It seems to me that both of these could be considered "heavier" drinkers, but one may be disruptive to family life whereas one may not. Or is it the mere exposure to alcohol that encourages its use? I am also wondering if this research on parental use and abuse (and the effects on youth drinking habits) applies throughout the world where teens are able to consume alcohol before the age of 21.
What are possible reasons that European American children are more likely to use or abuse substances than their African American counter parts?
Over in the links section on the right are some webpages I'll go over. A theme I'd like to introduce is the distinction between what a research study might find if it's conducted on children of alcoholics (COA) in the general population vs. if done in a clinical setting. In that regard, we'll go over two published studies, which we should be able to obtain from the library's website:
Burnett and colleagues, 2006, American Journal of Family Therapy
Domenico and Windle, 1993, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology
***
Here are the discussion questions:
On page 168, the text suggests that more "authoritative parenting style has been identified as particularly important factor ... in the reduced use of substances (Adalbjarnardottir & Hafsteinsson, 2001). Among older adolescents, more indulgent and less controlling parents have been found to be related to substance abuse more often than have authoritative parents." So eventually, is it a case of "spare the rod and spoil the child?" What parental/familial factors in addition to being "authoritative" might help the child steer clear of substance use?
[This web document explains Baumrind's parenting typology, which includes authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive.]
The book says that "Early substance use in boys, but not later substance use, was related to later delinquency". Why does early substance use bring these effects? The book also talks about difference in girls that "links between drug use and delinquency were based on the shared influences of third variables such as conduct problems". What are examples of third variables and why are there differences between boys and girls? (pg 163)
We talked about adolescent and emerging-adult children yesterday during our discussion and how sometimes colaboration (i.e. volunteering together) can bring a parent and child closer and strengthen their relationship. Let's say that a parent of one of these children has been seeking help for a substance abuse. Do you think it would be beneficial for the parent to be open and honest with their child about what they are going through and possibly take their child to meetings? Do you think this would make it easier or harder to get through substance abuse while trying to raise adolescent and emerging-adult children?
FAS, FAE, and crack babies are born with disadvantages including developmental deficits both cognitively and physically. What can be done to help the children cope with their problems and increase their chances for success in life? (p. 157-58).
The research in our text (as well as other research) shows that parents who are "heavier" drinkers are more likely to influence their children's drinking habits, possibly causing them to drink more at an earlier age. Does "heavier" refer to parents who are alcoholics or parents who drink socially. It seems to me that both of these could be considered "heavier" drinkers, but one may be disruptive to family life whereas one may not. Or is it the mere exposure to alcohol that encourages its use? I am also wondering if this research on parental use and abuse (and the effects on youth drinking habits) applies throughout the world where teens are able to consume alcohol before the age of 21.
What are possible reasons that European American children are more likely to use or abuse substances than their African American counter parts?
Monday, July 23, 2007
On Tuesday, we'll finish up our three-part unit on parenting stress. Building upon last Thursday's unit on parenting of infants and young children, and the guest presentation today by Lori Anderson on parenting of adolescents, Tuesday we will consider how parents deal with children who are older still.
An increasingly popular term for the transition to adulthood is emerging adulthood. I do research on emerging adulthood and have a blog devoted to the topic. This introductory posting provides some background on emerging adulthood.
The transition to adulthood can be a stressful experience, which probably doesn't come as news to many of you. Many individuals in their early-mid 20s are unsure of what they want to do with their lives, and common shifts such as from a college atmosphere to the world of work present many challenges. Several years ago, Alexandra Robbins and Abby Wilner co-wrote a book entitled Quarterlife Crisis, detailing the difficulties of this life stage.
When their emeging-adult children are experiencing stress, parents may also. A potentially -- but not inevitably -- awkward situation is when emerging-adult children move back home with their parents, the so-called "boomerang kid" phenomenon.
This document from the Center for Parent Education offers some guidance for families with boomerang kids. Another report, on Canadian Social Trends, presents some findings on boomerang kids in that country.
***
The last hour of class will be devoted to discussion of Chapter 2. As the students in Group B e-mail in their questions, I will add them below...
Chapter 2 begins with how parenthood completes one’s life. [Peterson & Hennon summarize] Beck and Beck-Gernsheim [to the effect] that “parenthood provides a socially defined anchor of mature status, a sense of permanence, and feelings of personal efficacy” (p. 25). With this in mind, questions that arise in terms of adolescents having children is how does this process change or become affected when adolescents have children? When adolescents have children, does the process of parenthood occur the way Beck and Beck-Gernsheim describe or is there a dramatic alteration? Also, because of the developmental transition that needs to be made by the adolescent who has to make a transition in becoming a parent, do you think the developmental transition causes increased psychological distress for them?
On page 35, the book talks about how resources are more potential than actual, meaning that individuals may not take advantage of resources that are available. Why might this be? What are some examples of this occurring?
In Chapter 2, the book talks about the process of generational dissonance, when the younger generation adjusts to the new culture faster than the parents, thus causing acculturative stress. How does then one cope with generational dissonance as parents? Furthermore, the book explains that parents "might perceive this rapid adjustment as a betrayal of the family's culture of origin," why? Is this process considered normative stressors or nonnormative stressors?
Does the process of generational dissonance still occur today among families who have immigrated recently to the United States? (pg 32)
What are some examples of ways in which parental stress can be both a "product" and an "activator" of changes within the family system and larger social contexts?
A common thread throughout Chapter 2 is the cyclic nature of parent-child interactions. Parental stress often activates poor child-rearing behavior in parents, and this causes negative feedback from children. This, in turn, precipitates more parental stress. The vicious cycle of parental stress calls into question the effectiveness of the interdependence between parents and children. How does a family unit escape such a vicious cycle? Are other modes of parenting possible that downplay the interdependence between parent and child? What are the advantages/disadvantages of interdependence?
Here are some studies I alluded to during the discussion:
*The breakdown, by age, of the percentages of pregnancies in the U.S. that are classified as births from unintended pregnancies, births from intended pregnancies, and abortions.
*A summary of mental health in the U.S., including the finding that "...data show it takes an average of nine years for those with depression to enter treatment after the disorder fully manifests; other disorders such as generalized anxiety, phobias and obsessive-compulsive have similar lag times."
*A summary of adolescent identity research, which includes the claim about multicultural youth that, "The most positive outcome appears to be achievement of a bicultural identity that allows the adolescent to function effectively in either setting (Phinney and Kohatsu 1997)."
An increasingly popular term for the transition to adulthood is emerging adulthood. I do research on emerging adulthood and have a blog devoted to the topic. This introductory posting provides some background on emerging adulthood.
The transition to adulthood can be a stressful experience, which probably doesn't come as news to many of you. Many individuals in their early-mid 20s are unsure of what they want to do with their lives, and common shifts such as from a college atmosphere to the world of work present many challenges. Several years ago, Alexandra Robbins and Abby Wilner co-wrote a book entitled Quarterlife Crisis, detailing the difficulties of this life stage.
When their emeging-adult children are experiencing stress, parents may also. A potentially -- but not inevitably -- awkward situation is when emerging-adult children move back home with their parents, the so-called "boomerang kid" phenomenon.
This document from the Center for Parent Education offers some guidance for families with boomerang kids. Another report, on Canadian Social Trends, presents some findings on boomerang kids in that country.
***
The last hour of class will be devoted to discussion of Chapter 2. As the students in Group B e-mail in their questions, I will add them below...
Chapter 2 begins with how parenthood completes one’s life. [Peterson & Hennon summarize] Beck and Beck-Gernsheim [to the effect] that “parenthood provides a socially defined anchor of mature status, a sense of permanence, and feelings of personal efficacy” (p. 25). With this in mind, questions that arise in terms of adolescents having children is how does this process change or become affected when adolescents have children? When adolescents have children, does the process of parenthood occur the way Beck and Beck-Gernsheim describe or is there a dramatic alteration? Also, because of the developmental transition that needs to be made by the adolescent who has to make a transition in becoming a parent, do you think the developmental transition causes increased psychological distress for them?
On page 35, the book talks about how resources are more potential than actual, meaning that individuals may not take advantage of resources that are available. Why might this be? What are some examples of this occurring?
In Chapter 2, the book talks about the process of generational dissonance, when the younger generation adjusts to the new culture faster than the parents, thus causing acculturative stress. How does then one cope with generational dissonance as parents? Furthermore, the book explains that parents "might perceive this rapid adjustment as a betrayal of the family's culture of origin," why? Is this process considered normative stressors or nonnormative stressors?
Does the process of generational dissonance still occur today among families who have immigrated recently to the United States? (pg 32)
What are some examples of ways in which parental stress can be both a "product" and an "activator" of changes within the family system and larger social contexts?
A common thread throughout Chapter 2 is the cyclic nature of parent-child interactions. Parental stress often activates poor child-rearing behavior in parents, and this causes negative feedback from children. This, in turn, precipitates more parental stress. The vicious cycle of parental stress calls into question the effectiveness of the interdependence between parents and children. How does a family unit escape such a vicious cycle? Are other modes of parenting possible that downplay the interdependence between parent and child? What are the advantages/disadvantages of interdependence?
Here are some studies I alluded to during the discussion:
*The breakdown, by age, of the percentages of pregnancies in the U.S. that are classified as births from unintended pregnancies, births from intended pregnancies, and abortions.
*A summary of mental health in the U.S., including the finding that "...data show it takes an average of nine years for those with depression to enter treatment after the disorder fully manifests; other disorders such as generalized anxiety, phobias and obsessive-compulsive have similar lag times."
*A summary of adolescent identity research, which includes the claim about multicultural youth that, "The most positive outcome appears to be achievement of a bicultural identity that allows the adolescent to function effectively in either setting (Phinney and Kohatsu 1997)."
Thursday, July 19, 2007
Today, we first need to finish up some stuff from yesterday's class. There are a couple of discussion questions we didn't get to, so we'll take those up. Also, I wanted to show you a measure of coping.
On the topic of coping, here's the article I mentioned yesterday, about Texas Tech track-and-field athlete Patience Knight, who decided to keep competing while undergoing chemotherapy. Fitting with the idea of systems and routines, here's a quote from the coach, Wes Kittley:
"But all of sudden Patience tells us that she wants to continue competing and her doctors agree with her," Kittley said. "They said keeping the same routine would help the body fight off the cancer. I couldn't believe it."
The main topic we'll be covering today is parenting stress with newborn infants and young children. I'll start by reading some excerpts from the book Parents Under Siege (Garbarino & Bedard, 2001), on contemporary and historical sources of stress for families.
I will then discuss several research studies with you, which we should be able to bring up from the library's website:
One study (Mulsow et al., 2002, JMF), on which I'm a co-author, tracks stress appraisals in new mothers at 1, 6, 15, 24 and 36 months after the birth. The study also examines what factors are correlated with more (or less) pessimistic stress appraisals...
Another study (Copeland & Harbaugh, 2005, Issues in Comprehensive Pediatric Nursing) compares stress appraisals and distress in married and single mothers at 6-8 weeks after birth...
A Norwegian study (Kaaresen et al., 2006, Pediatrics) presents an intervention to reduce parenting stress after preterm birth...
Cornell professor Gary Evans, a prolific researcher on stress from the physical environment (crowding, noise, etc.), along with his co-author Kimberly English, present a study of poverty, environmental stress, and psychological and physiological responses (2002, Child Dev.)...
Finally, over on the right in the links section, where it says "Parenting Children with ADHD," William Pelham and Alan Lang summarize a set of creative studies that look into the expression "driven to drink."
This coming Monday, July 23, after our quiz, we'll have a guest speaker on parenting stress in households with adolescent children. These lectures on parenting stress with young children and adolescents will transition us into Chapter 2 of our textbook (applying the ABC-X model to parenting stress), which we'll discuss next Tuesday, July 24.
On the topic of coping, here's the article I mentioned yesterday, about Texas Tech track-and-field athlete Patience Knight, who decided to keep competing while undergoing chemotherapy. Fitting with the idea of systems and routines, here's a quote from the coach, Wes Kittley:
"But all of sudden Patience tells us that she wants to continue competing and her doctors agree with her," Kittley said. "They said keeping the same routine would help the body fight off the cancer. I couldn't believe it."
The main topic we'll be covering today is parenting stress with newborn infants and young children. I'll start by reading some excerpts from the book Parents Under Siege (Garbarino & Bedard, 2001), on contemporary and historical sources of stress for families.
I will then discuss several research studies with you, which we should be able to bring up from the library's website:
One study (Mulsow et al., 2002, JMF), on which I'm a co-author, tracks stress appraisals in new mothers at 1, 6, 15, 24 and 36 months after the birth. The study also examines what factors are correlated with more (or less) pessimistic stress appraisals...
Another study (Copeland & Harbaugh, 2005, Issues in Comprehensive Pediatric Nursing) compares stress appraisals and distress in married and single mothers at 6-8 weeks after birth...
A Norwegian study (Kaaresen et al., 2006, Pediatrics) presents an intervention to reduce parenting stress after preterm birth...
Cornell professor Gary Evans, a prolific researcher on stress from the physical environment (crowding, noise, etc.), along with his co-author Kimberly English, present a study of poverty, environmental stress, and psychological and physiological responses (2002, Child Dev.)...
Finally, over on the right in the links section, where it says "Parenting Children with ADHD," William Pelham and Alan Lang summarize a set of creative studies that look into the expression "driven to drink."
This coming Monday, July 23, after our quiz, we'll have a guest speaker on parenting stress in households with adolescent children. These lectures on parenting stress with young children and adolescents will transition us into Chapter 2 of our textbook (applying the ABC-X model to parenting stress), which we'll discuss next Tuesday, July 24.
Tuesday, July 17, 2007
The first hour of Wednesday's class will cover assessment of family stress, coping, and related concepts. By assessment (or measurement), we mean developing ways to find out if an individual or family is experiencing small or large amounts of a condition, or is exhibiting small or large amounts of an attitude, trait, or behavior.
Typically, we use questionnaires, with numerical values for the choices (e.g., 1 = strongly disagree/never to 7 = strongly agree/frequently). However, other methods are available, such as behavioral observation or qualitative in-depth interviews. The general page on measurement from my Texas Tech research methods site is available here.
Two important qualities we want to establish for a questionnaire are reliability (results are reproducible and consistent) and validity (measures what it's supposed to measure). My research page on reliability and validity is here.
We will go over several specific measures, some of which are available via the links section.
***
The last hour of class will be devoted to discussion of Chapter 1 (also pp. 137-142 of Chapter 6). As the students in "Group A" e-mail in their questions, I will add them below...
Coping and adaptation are two areas of interest pertaining to family stress management mentioned in Chapter 1. According to the book, how are the two similar? Dissimilar? In some families, responses (the coping or adapting) to certain life stresses may result in a higher level of functioning; what might be some examples of this? Are there any examples where the response results in a lower level of functioning?
In relation to the "Sisters" episode we watched in class, what types of resources (the B factor of the ABC-X Model) does Georgie seem to have that will enable her to cope with the stress of her son's struggle with leukemia?
How is it that researchers can look at family stress in terms of the social system?
Why do you think families of ethnic minority are said to have "more elaborate and efficient patterns of social support" (p. 12) ?
Figure 1.1, the ABC-X Model of Family Crisis, shows that stress is the outcome of everything else that's going on. It's interesting to see that everyone has many different things going on in life and yet everyone is affected differently. How are people able to be unaffected by everything around them and others have nervous breakdowns? This question leads to a question regarding the ten dimensions of family stressor events. Most of the dimensions refer to the degree or distinction of how it relates to the crisis. How are the different degrees and distinctions determined? While some people see a type of crisis as nothing or something harmless, others see it as detrimental. At what point is the stressor event so big that it turns into a crisis?
Describe some examples of normative and non-normative stressor events on the family unit.
Boss defines crisis as "a disturbance in equilibirum that is so overwhelming, a pressure that is so severe, or a change that is so acute that the family system is blocked, immobilized, or incapacitated" (p. 14). Adaptation is the desirable outcome of a crisis. Is it possible that a family can reach a crisis state and simply be unable to successfully adapt? In other words, can stresses pile up and lead to crisis after crisis - a sort of downward spiral - and the family become too overwhelmed to adapt and reach a new state of complexity and balance? Or is there a finite limit to what families can handle before forced to adapt?
Not all stressor events are clear cut; therefore, a state of ambiguity arises. Boss addresses two major types of ambiguous loss situations. Describe these situations. This ambiguity creates the most stressful situations that individuals and/or families can experience. Boss blames this high level of stress to five characteristics of such situations. What are the five characteristics?
Note from Dr. Reifman: Pauline Boss's ideas, as summarized in Chapter 1, seem to have sparked some interest. She is an emeritus professor at the University of Minnesota, and here is her webpage.
Typically, we use questionnaires, with numerical values for the choices (e.g., 1 = strongly disagree/never to 7 = strongly agree/frequently). However, other methods are available, such as behavioral observation or qualitative in-depth interviews. The general page on measurement from my Texas Tech research methods site is available here.
Two important qualities we want to establish for a questionnaire are reliability (results are reproducible and consistent) and validity (measures what it's supposed to measure). My research page on reliability and validity is here.
We will go over several specific measures, some of which are available via the links section.
***
The last hour of class will be devoted to discussion of Chapter 1 (also pp. 137-142 of Chapter 6). As the students in "Group A" e-mail in their questions, I will add them below...
Coping and adaptation are two areas of interest pertaining to family stress management mentioned in Chapter 1. According to the book, how are the two similar? Dissimilar? In some families, responses (the coping or adapting) to certain life stresses may result in a higher level of functioning; what might be some examples of this? Are there any examples where the response results in a lower level of functioning?
In relation to the "Sisters" episode we watched in class, what types of resources (the B factor of the ABC-X Model) does Georgie seem to have that will enable her to cope with the stress of her son's struggle with leukemia?
How is it that researchers can look at family stress in terms of the social system?
Why do you think families of ethnic minority are said to have "more elaborate and efficient patterns of social support" (p. 12) ?
Figure 1.1, the ABC-X Model of Family Crisis, shows that stress is the outcome of everything else that's going on. It's interesting to see that everyone has many different things going on in life and yet everyone is affected differently. How are people able to be unaffected by everything around them and others have nervous breakdowns? This question leads to a question regarding the ten dimensions of family stressor events. Most of the dimensions refer to the degree or distinction of how it relates to the crisis. How are the different degrees and distinctions determined? While some people see a type of crisis as nothing or something harmless, others see it as detrimental. At what point is the stressor event so big that it turns into a crisis?
Describe some examples of normative and non-normative stressor events on the family unit.
Boss defines crisis as "a disturbance in equilibirum that is so overwhelming, a pressure that is so severe, or a change that is so acute that the family system is blocked, immobilized, or incapacitated" (p. 14). Adaptation is the desirable outcome of a crisis. Is it possible that a family can reach a crisis state and simply be unable to successfully adapt? In other words, can stresses pile up and lead to crisis after crisis - a sort of downward spiral - and the family become too overwhelmed to adapt and reach a new state of complexity and balance? Or is there a finite limit to what families can handle before forced to adapt?
Not all stressor events are clear cut; therefore, a state of ambiguity arises. Boss addresses two major types of ambiguous loss situations. Describe these situations. This ambiguity creates the most stressful situations that individuals and/or families can experience. Boss blames this high level of stress to five characteristics of such situations. What are the five characteristics?
Note from Dr. Reifman: Pauline Boss's ideas, as summarized in Chapter 1, seem to have sparked some interest. She is an emeritus professor at the University of Minnesota, and here is her webpage.
Monday, July 16, 2007
Tomorrow, we will examine theories of family stress and coping. The major theory we will be using is the Double ABC-X model, which is described extensively in Chapter 1 of our textbook. We will also cover closely related theories (see the links section in the right-hand column). We will address four areas:
Modified to reflect the order in which we actually discussed the topics (July 17, 2007).
(1) Discussing why theories are useful in the first place.
(2) Clarifying our definitions of "stress" and related terms.
Within family stress theories, we will examine:
(3) How two people can experience seemingly the same exact situation, yet react very differently (also as depicted in the "Sisters" video); and
(4) What does it mean to say that a stressful event disrupts one's family system?
***
(1) For analyzing the purposes of having theories, let's look at my theories page in the links section.
(2) Let's start our coverage of stress by defining some terms. The word "stress" comes up in somewhat different contexts, so let's be clear what we mean. Three main terms are depicted below in bold.
Stressful Life Events
Definition. Some event, either objectively verified or self-reported on a life-events scale (Cohen uses the term “environmental” perspective in the document in the links section). The term "stressor," which is discussed on page 7 of the textbook, also fits here.
Research examples. College students in a community with a serial killer at large vs. students at a comparable university with no serial killer (Biernat & Herkov, 1994, Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology).
Adults who had lost a spouse or child in a motor-vehicle accident vs. matched control adults (Lehman et al., 1987, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology).
Other studies use checklists of various types of life events and test if accumulation of many events is associated with distress or illness
(CRISYS measure, see links section).
Stress Appraisals/Perceived Stress
Defintion. The meaning or interpretation one attaches to a stressful event, particularly in terms of whether the event threatens one’s emotional or physical well-being, is uncontrollable, etc. See also the bottom of p. 12 in the textbook.
Research examples.New mothers were asked their degree of endorsement of statements such as, “I often have the feeling that I cannot handle things very well,” and “I feel trapped by my responsibilities as a parent” (Mulsow et al., 2002, Journal of Marriage and Family).
U.S. military families relocated to Germany were surveyed on their perceptions of the predictability of the situation, the degree to which they were committed to the Army, etc. (Lavee et al., 1985, JMF).
Cohen’s Perceived Stress Scale (which also appears to spill over into distress; available via the link entitled Questionnaire Instrument Compendium).
Folkman, Lazarus, and colleagues (1986, JPSP) distinguished between primary appraisal (what is potentially at stake, such as physical harm, damage to reputation) and secondary appraisal (can one do something about or cope with situation?).
Distress
Definition. An emotional reaction to the stressful event and its appraisal, such as becoming anxious or depressed. The term "stress" should not be used interchangeably with "anxiety" or "depression." The latter two terms can be considered indicators of "distress."
Finally, on pp. 13-14 of the McKenry and Price text, the distinction between the terms "stress" and "crisis" is clarified.
(3) How two people can experience the same event, yet react differently.
As we see in the both the original ABC-X model and the Double ABC-X model, a number of processes are theorized to occur between the initial exposure to the stressor event and the ultimate state of adaptation, disruption, or crisis befalling individuals and families. The transition from the A(a) components to the X(x) components is said to depend on one's resources (B, b), perceptions (C, c), and, in the Double model, coping.
According to p. 12 of the text, "Individual or personal resources include financial (economic well-being), educational (problem-solving abilities, information), health (physical and emotional well-being), and psychological resources (self-esteem)." The authors of that chapter also identify family-system resources (adaptability and cohesiveness) and community resources.
Whether individuals and families perceive (or appraise) potentially stressful events in a relatively optimistic or relatively pessimistic light also may determine the course of the A-X transition (pp. 12-13).
The concept of resiliency -- how people can continue to thrive in the face of adversity -- is a very popular topic in HDFS, psychology, and related disciplines (see here and here).
(4) What does it mean to say that a family system has been disrupted?
In preparing to teach this class, I did a lot of reading in advance, and I kept coming across the idea of disruption (and restoration) of family-system functioning:
“According to McCubbin and Patterson (1982), the purpose of a family’s postcrisis or poststress adjustment is to reduce or eliminate the disruptiveness in the family system and restore homeostasis” (McKenry & Price, 2005, p. 16).
Helms and Demo (Chapter 15 in M&P book) write about "everyday hassles," which are less dramatic than major events, yet can nevertheless be annoying. These authors note that unexpected daily hassles “… often disrupt the flow of everyday life and thus add to family stress” (p. 356). They also allude to “disruption in [people's] everyday routines” (p. 365).
Reuben Hill's book Families Under Stress, which we covered during Monday's class, alludes to how in a time of crisis, “…the family’s role patterns are always sharply disturbed” (p. 10).
Finally, famed Harvard biologist E.O. Wilson has a quote about ecological systems that I will read to the class (it's too long to add here on the blog).
All of these quotes make me think of cogs in a machine. If one cog begins to break down, all the others will also be disrupted.
As stated in the family systems theory document in the links section, the pieces in a system "do not exist in isolation from one another and 'movement' in any one part of the 'system' will affect all the rest of the parts of the system" (added after class, July 17, 2007).
As another example, in severe power outages, disruption to one power station can start a chain reaction that might cause a blackout for entire large regions of the country.
Studying the active functioning of families -- including all the "moving parts" -- would appear to be a major challenge, but it's what the theories seem to call for.
Modified to reflect the order in which we actually discussed the topics (July 17, 2007).
(1) Discussing why theories are useful in the first place.
(2) Clarifying our definitions of "stress" and related terms.
Within family stress theories, we will examine:
(3) How two people can experience seemingly the same exact situation, yet react very differently (also as depicted in the "Sisters" video); and
(4) What does it mean to say that a stressful event disrupts one's family system?
***
(1) For analyzing the purposes of having theories, let's look at my theories page in the links section.
(2) Let's start our coverage of stress by defining some terms. The word "stress" comes up in somewhat different contexts, so let's be clear what we mean. Three main terms are depicted below in bold.
Stressful Life Events
Definition. Some event, either objectively verified or self-reported on a life-events scale (Cohen uses the term “environmental” perspective in the document in the links section). The term "stressor," which is discussed on page 7 of the textbook, also fits here.
Research examples. College students in a community with a serial killer at large vs. students at a comparable university with no serial killer (Biernat & Herkov, 1994, Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology).
Adults who had lost a spouse or child in a motor-vehicle accident vs. matched control adults (Lehman et al., 1987, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology).
Other studies use checklists of various types of life events and test if accumulation of many events is associated with distress or illness
(CRISYS measure, see links section).
Stress Appraisals/Perceived Stress
Defintion. The meaning or interpretation one attaches to a stressful event, particularly in terms of whether the event threatens one’s emotional or physical well-being, is uncontrollable, etc. See also the bottom of p. 12 in the textbook.
Research examples.New mothers were asked their degree of endorsement of statements such as, “I often have the feeling that I cannot handle things very well,” and “I feel trapped by my responsibilities as a parent” (Mulsow et al., 2002, Journal of Marriage and Family).
U.S. military families relocated to Germany were surveyed on their perceptions of the predictability of the situation, the degree to which they were committed to the Army, etc. (Lavee et al., 1985, JMF).
Cohen’s Perceived Stress Scale (which also appears to spill over into distress; available via the link entitled Questionnaire Instrument Compendium).
Folkman, Lazarus, and colleagues (1986, JPSP) distinguished between primary appraisal (what is potentially at stake, such as physical harm, damage to reputation) and secondary appraisal (can one do something about or cope with situation?).
Distress
Definition. An emotional reaction to the stressful event and its appraisal, such as becoming anxious or depressed. The term "stress" should not be used interchangeably with "anxiety" or "depression." The latter two terms can be considered indicators of "distress."
Finally, on pp. 13-14 of the McKenry and Price text, the distinction between the terms "stress" and "crisis" is clarified.
(3) How two people can experience the same event, yet react differently.
As we see in the both the original ABC-X model and the Double ABC-X model, a number of processes are theorized to occur between the initial exposure to the stressor event and the ultimate state of adaptation, disruption, or crisis befalling individuals and families. The transition from the A(a) components to the X(x) components is said to depend on one's resources (B, b), perceptions (C, c), and, in the Double model, coping.
According to p. 12 of the text, "Individual or personal resources include financial (economic well-being), educational (problem-solving abilities, information), health (physical and emotional well-being), and psychological resources (self-esteem)." The authors of that chapter also identify family-system resources (adaptability and cohesiveness) and community resources.
Whether individuals and families perceive (or appraise) potentially stressful events in a relatively optimistic or relatively pessimistic light also may determine the course of the A-X transition (pp. 12-13).
The concept of resiliency -- how people can continue to thrive in the face of adversity -- is a very popular topic in HDFS, psychology, and related disciplines (see here and here).
(4) What does it mean to say that a family system has been disrupted?
In preparing to teach this class, I did a lot of reading in advance, and I kept coming across the idea of disruption (and restoration) of family-system functioning:
“According to McCubbin and Patterson (1982), the purpose of a family’s postcrisis or poststress adjustment is to reduce or eliminate the disruptiveness in the family system and restore homeostasis” (McKenry & Price, 2005, p. 16).
Helms and Demo (Chapter 15 in M&P book) write about "everyday hassles," which are less dramatic than major events, yet can nevertheless be annoying. These authors note that unexpected daily hassles “… often disrupt the flow of everyday life and thus add to family stress” (p. 356). They also allude to “disruption in [people's] everyday routines” (p. 365).
Reuben Hill's book Families Under Stress, which we covered during Monday's class, alludes to how in a time of crisis, “…the family’s role patterns are always sharply disturbed” (p. 10).
Finally, famed Harvard biologist E.O. Wilson has a quote about ecological systems that I will read to the class (it's too long to add here on the blog).
All of these quotes make me think of cogs in a machine. If one cog begins to break down, all the others will also be disrupted.
As stated in the family systems theory document in the links section, the pieces in a system "do not exist in isolation from one another and 'movement' in any one part of the 'system' will affect all the rest of the parts of the system" (added after class, July 17, 2007).
As another example, in severe power outages, disruption to one power station can start a chain reaction that might cause a blackout for entire large regions of the country.
Studying the active functioning of families -- including all the "moving parts" -- would appear to be a major challenge, but it's what the theories seem to call for.
Sunday, July 15, 2007
Welcome to Family Stress and Coping in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, in the second four-week summer term of 2007.
During the first meeting of the class, we'll start out with the usual introductory things (going over the syllabus, taking roll) and then watch a short video to get in the frame of mind for studying family stress. We will then take up the first major topic of the course, the history of family stress research, as summarized immediately below...
One of the historical milestones in family stress research is publication of the 1949 book Families Under Stress: Adjustment to the Crises of War Separation and Reunion, by Reuben Hill (1912-1985; Ph.D., 1938, from right here at the University of Wisconsin).
The book presents a study begun in 1945, using a representative sample of Iowa families with a member going off to World War II (the Selective Service helped to draw the sample).
Participating families completed a large number of questionnaire measures, assessing adjustment to both the initial separation and later reunion. Some of the adjustment-to-separation items completed by wives were as follows (p. 406): "From my husband's letters and furloughs I have been able to understand all the changes the service has made in him" and "Everything would be all right if it weren't for the women [the] men in the service meet, the prostitutes, the foreign women, and even the WACS -- I don't trust them."
Respondents were instructed to check off items if they "appear to describe the situation in your case." Higher scores were assigned for better self-reported adjustment. A "yes" to the first item above was worth 5 points for good adjustment, whereas agreement with the second was assigned 1 point.
The first figure below describes five stages of the separation process, whereas the second figure attempts to depict the frequencies with which different sequences of adjustment to separation were exhibited. These diagrams, some of which look like square-root signs and others of which look like EKG readings, map the falls and rises in adjustment. You can click on any image to enlarge it.
Other diagrams (not shown here) depict nine stages, with events associated with the family's reunion included.
Hill also compared the families along various dimensions (such as social class in the bar graph below) to see which characteristics were linked to good adjustment. In the bar graph, the white bars represent adjustment to separation, whereas the black bars depicted adjustment to reunion.
Here are some other selected results for adjustment to separation and reunion (results follow the same trend for separation and reunion, unless noted otherwise; > indicates one group having better adjustment than another group).
Social class: Upper > Middle > Lower
Wives' Neuroticism/Anxiety: Low > Medium > High
Reasons for marriage (patterns different for adjustment to separation and to reunion)
Adjustment to separation: Social pressure > Companionship and common interest > Escape > Impulse > Other (Hill notes regarding the respondents who claim to have married out of social-pressure,"possibly that separation for them may have constituted a temporary release from a marriage held together primarily by external controls," p. 114)
Adjustment to reunion: Companionship and common interest > Escape > Impulse > Social Pressure > Other
Years of parenting: Virtually no differences in adjustment to separation or reunion based on whether respondents had been parents for 2-5.9 years, 6-9.9, or 10+.
Number of children (patterns different for adjustment to separation and to reunion)
Adjustment to separation: Fewer children (1 minimum) better adjustment
Adjustment to reunion: 1 child > 3-4 > 2 > 5+
Family integration (cohesion): High and medium similar to each other, and both far better off than low
Family adaptability: High > Very High > Moderate > Low
Wife working outside home: Full-time and not working extremely similar, both better off than with part-time employment
Hill's extensive visual depictions of data from the study were, as it turns out, ahead of their time. Fifty years later (1999), an American Psychological Association Task Force on statistics recommended (among other things) greater use of graphical presentations.
The book also contains qualitative case studies of how families reacted to separation and reunion. I will read some of these to you in class.
I'm not expecting the class to memorize each and every finding in detail. Rather, I just wanted to illustrate what some of the early studies of family stress were looking at.
During the first meeting of the class, we'll start out with the usual introductory things (going over the syllabus, taking roll) and then watch a short video to get in the frame of mind for studying family stress. We will then take up the first major topic of the course, the history of family stress research, as summarized immediately below...
One of the historical milestones in family stress research is publication of the 1949 book Families Under Stress: Adjustment to the Crises of War Separation and Reunion, by Reuben Hill (1912-1985; Ph.D., 1938, from right here at the University of Wisconsin).
The book presents a study begun in 1945, using a representative sample of Iowa families with a member going off to World War II (the Selective Service helped to draw the sample).
Participating families completed a large number of questionnaire measures, assessing adjustment to both the initial separation and later reunion. Some of the adjustment-to-separation items completed by wives were as follows (p. 406): "From my husband's letters and furloughs I have been able to understand all the changes the service has made in him" and "Everything would be all right if it weren't for the women [the] men in the service meet, the prostitutes, the foreign women, and even the WACS -- I don't trust them."
Respondents were instructed to check off items if they "appear to describe the situation in your case." Higher scores were assigned for better self-reported adjustment. A "yes" to the first item above was worth 5 points for good adjustment, whereas agreement with the second was assigned 1 point.
The first figure below describes five stages of the separation process, whereas the second figure attempts to depict the frequencies with which different sequences of adjustment to separation were exhibited. These diagrams, some of which look like square-root signs and others of which look like EKG readings, map the falls and rises in adjustment. You can click on any image to enlarge it.
Other diagrams (not shown here) depict nine stages, with events associated with the family's reunion included.
Hill also compared the families along various dimensions (such as social class in the bar graph below) to see which characteristics were linked to good adjustment. In the bar graph, the white bars represent adjustment to separation, whereas the black bars depicted adjustment to reunion.
Here are some other selected results for adjustment to separation and reunion (results follow the same trend for separation and reunion, unless noted otherwise; > indicates one group having better adjustment than another group).
Social class: Upper > Middle > Lower
Wives' Neuroticism/Anxiety: Low > Medium > High
Reasons for marriage (patterns different for adjustment to separation and to reunion)
Adjustment to separation: Social pressure > Companionship and common interest > Escape > Impulse > Other (Hill notes regarding the respondents who claim to have married out of social-pressure,"possibly that separation for them may have constituted a temporary release from a marriage held together primarily by external controls," p. 114)
Adjustment to reunion: Companionship and common interest > Escape > Impulse > Social Pressure > Other
Years of parenting: Virtually no differences in adjustment to separation or reunion based on whether respondents had been parents for 2-5.9 years, 6-9.9, or 10+.
Number of children (patterns different for adjustment to separation and to reunion)
Adjustment to separation: Fewer children (1 minimum) better adjustment
Adjustment to reunion: 1 child > 3-4 > 2 > 5+
Family integration (cohesion): High and medium similar to each other, and both far better off than low
Family adaptability: High > Very High > Moderate > Low
Wife working outside home: Full-time and not working extremely similar, both better off than with part-time employment
Hill's extensive visual depictions of data from the study were, as it turns out, ahead of their time. Fifty years later (1999), an American Psychological Association Task Force on statistics recommended (among other things) greater use of graphical presentations.
The book also contains qualitative case studies of how families reacted to separation and reunion. I will read some of these to you in class.
I'm not expecting the class to memorize each and every finding in detail. Rather, I just wanted to illustrate what some of the early studies of family stress were looking at.
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